OF THE GENDER ORIENTATION OF NEPAD
SARA HLUPEKILE LONGWE
for presentation at the African Forum for Envisioning Africa to
be held in Nairobi, Kenya, 26 - 29 April 2002;
by Sara Hlupekile Longwe; Consultant on Gender and Development;
Longwe Clarke and Associates, Box 37090, Lusaka
for Improved Gender Orientation of NEPAD
Framework for the Evaluation
Need for an Focus in a Gender Assessment
Principles and Purpose of NEPAD
a Gender Issue
a Gender Issue
Concept of Women's Empowerment
for the Analysing the Internal Coherence of
the Planning Logic
and Evaluation Criteria
Overview of the Findings
Overall Pattern of the Findings
Interpretation of the Patriarchal Paradigm
for the Overall Gender Orientation of NEPAD
OF THE GENDER ORIENTATION OF NEPAD
This paper looks
at the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) to
assess its adequacy in recognizing and addressing gender issues.
Since NEPAD has a special interest in programmes to create better
conditions for development, in terms of improved democratic process,
good governance and human rights, the paper takes a special interest
in whether gender issues are addressed within these conditions for
a special interest in whether NEPAD proposes to end the various
forms of structural gender discrimination, especially where these
are established in law, traditional practice and governments'
administrative practice. It also entails an interest in whether
NEPAD proposes measures to enable women's increased empowerment,
especially by better representation in decision making within parliaments,
government and the corporate sector.
that, there is an interest in whether the entire programme proposed
by NEPAD sufficiently follows the policy principles of gender equality
set out in the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women, and whether it proposes to address
those gender issue which are intrinsic within its area of interest,
using strategies outlined in the 1995 African and Beijing Platforms
Method of Assessment
The method of
analysis and assessment is to look at the coherence of the document
in terms its treatment of gender issues, differentiating between:
coherence, in terms of whether there are logical connections between
the mention of gender in different parts of the document, e.g.
are there gender oriented goals which properly follow and pursue
earlier policy statements concerning the need to address gender
coherence, in terms of whether there are gender oriented goals
and objectives which take account of the participating government's
international commitments on women's rights, and on gender
issues are defined as pervasive gender gaps arising from widespread
and institutionalized discriminatory practices. Women's empowerment
is interpreted as the process of women's collective action
to remove discriminatory practices, and to gain gender equality
in the control over the allocation of resources, and access to opportunities.
findings show that NEPAD is deeply and comprehensively gender blind,
in both its internal and external coherence.
of the problem area to be tackled by NEPAD does not mention any
gender issue. Despite this, the statement on the ‘New Political
Will' mentions a policy goal to promote the role of women
in social and economic development and assure women's
in political and economic life (para. 49). But this rather faint
policy goal does not translate into any commensurate programme goals.
Instead we find overall programme goals to promote the role of women
in all activities and to make progress towards gender equality and
women's empowerment by eliminating gender discrimination
in primary and secondary school enrolment' (para.68).
There is no
justification given for choosing increased schooling as the only
means towards achieving gender equality and women's empowerment.
This would seem to be a curiously indirect approach, given NEPAD's
claimed interest in goals to improve democracy,.5 governance and
human rights. But the programme objectives and activities in these
areas show no interest whatsoever in addressing gender issues.
Worse than that,
the later description of the NEPAD programme entirely forgets the
earlier goal to close gender gaps in schools. The programme description
on Bridging the Education Gap (para. 120-123) makes no mention of
any objective or action concerned with closing gender gaps in school
near complete lack of interest in gender is overlaid with lack of
internal coherence, where principles do not follow through into
goals, and goals do not follow through into objectives. The subject
of gender, small to begin with, soon fades away entirely.
In its little
mention of gender issues, the document does not acknowledge the
prevalence, or even the existence, of the many serious issues of
structural and institutionalized gender discrimination. The unsatisfactory
attempt to formulate a gender goal in the area of ‘gender
equality and women's empowerment' merely reveals the
authors' implicit belief that women's subordinate
position is due to their own inadequacies. So they recommend more
Since the proposed
programme interventions almost entirely overlook the obligations
arising from the above mentioned international agreements and commitments,
it is also almost entirely lacking in its external coherence.
Recommendations for Improved Gender Orientation of NEPAD
complete revision if it is to recognise and address the gender issues
which are intrinsic within the all the problems which need to be
addressed in African development. This revision should have the
of proper planning logic in the treatment of gender issues, which
should be properly followed and linked throughout the document,
from their initial identification in the situation analysis, through
to problem identification, policy statement, programme goals, objectives
ii. Within the
programme on ‘Conditions for Sustainable Development',
incorporation of a primary focus on ending all forms of legalized
of gender issues within the sectoral priorities, to recognise and
address all the important gender issues that are intrinsic within
the areas of endeavour currently suggested.
of the Women's Convention as a guideline on policy principles,
and the African and Beijing Platforms for Action as a guideline
on goals and strategies, to guide the gender orientation of NEPAD.
of an Advisory Committee to advise NEPAD on how to undertake gender
oriented planning and implementation..7
This paper provides
an assessment of the adequacy of the gender orientation of The New
Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). This assessment
will therefore look at whether NEPAD sufficiently recognises important
gender issues, and whether it proposes adequate developmental interventions
for addressing such issues. In looking at this overall question,
we can distinguish between two forms of assessment:
adequacy, in terms of whether the proposed programme is internally
consistent in its treatment of gender issues, i.e. whether there
are proper and adequate logical connections in following a gender
issue along the planning sequence from principles and goals through
to implementation activities;
adequacy, in terms of whether there are gender issues which should
have been recognised, but which have been overlooked, especially
in terms of whether there is sufficient commitment of following
up the principles and goals already agreed in international conventions
It follows from
these considerations that the assessment needs to proceed from a
clear definition of what is meant by a gender issue, as well as
what is meant by a logical planning sequence for the coherent treatment
of gender issues. Whereas there may be general consensus on what
constitutes a logical planning sequence, there is rather less general
agreement on what constitutes a gender issue. The paper therefore
begins with a section on Theoretical Framework to set out the essential
vocabulary and categories which will be used in this assessment.
This provides the basis for the Method and Assessment Criteria.
This theoretical framework and explanation of method is explained
in some detail in the hope that it can be further used, by other
analysts and planners, for the further identification of gender
issues which NEPAD has overlooked, and therefore for the gender
orientation of NEPAD..8
are presented as a table, which systematically looks at each section
of NEPAD in terms of the implicit planning sequence, with each section
of the table providing an assessment of the Gender Component within
the section, and how this section has contributed to the Internal
and External Coherence of the gender element within the plan.
Because of the
lengthy and comprehensive nature of these findings, they are followed
by a shorter section giving An Overview of the Findings.
On the basis
of these findings, the paper moves to Recommendations for the Improved
Gender Orientation of NEPAD, and makes its final Conclusion.
Theoretical Framework for the Evaluation
The Need for an Focus in a Gender Assessment
to provide a gender assessment of NEPAD have been based on lack
of explicit evaluation criteria [see recent reports from ALF and
MATCH]. This criticism has recognised that the document is largely
gender blind, and make a range of different types of demand for
the improved gender orientation of the document. In general terms,
these different types of demand may be summarised as belonging to
the broad categories identified below:
i. Gender orientation
of NEPAD involves consulting women's organizations and representatives,
to identify and incorporate all women's current concerns
presently overlooked by NEPAD;
ii. The document
should make clear gender differentiation of all the actors and beneficiaries
mentioned in NEPAD;
iii. Women need
to be identified as a vulnerable group, for special developmental
iv. There should
be clear provision for women's involvement in all of NEPAD
v. Women should
be equally the beneficiaries of NEPAD programmes;.9
vi. NEPAD should
recognise the gender characteristics of economic and social development;
vii. NEPAD should
address issues of women's marginalisation in economic, social
and political decision making;
should be concerned with implementing the commitments made in the
African (Dakar) and Beijing Platforms for Action of 1995.
Worthy as these
demands may seem on their face, the implications of some of above
demands, for the revision of the document, would be enormous. One
can easily imagine the document becoming ten times longer, and losing
its focus on other issues. A major problem underlying the above
list is that the demands for action are not based on any explicit
definition or framework for the process of gender orientation.
There is also
the danger that the document would be blown even further out of
clear focus as the experts in all the other areas of concern (the
environment, democracy, good governance, peace, HIV/AIDS, etc.)
make their critical demands for improvement of the document. We
must also remember that planning is properly about selection, and
choosing priorities and clear focus. Is the document supposed to
faithfully identify all the problems and issues in every area, and
propose appropriate developmental interventions to tackle every
problem, according to all the conventions and conference resolutions
to which each government is party?
All this is
not to say that NEPAD should not be better gender oriented. It is
merely to recognise that we need to base our assessment and suggestions
i. An understanding
of the principles and limited purpose of NEPAD (even if these are
not very explicit in the document itself!), so that our proposals
for improved gender orientation are tailored to NEPAD purpose, and
not to some wider or different purpose;
ii. A clear
definition of the gender issues, or the different categories of
gender issue, which are of priority importance in the NEPAD context;.10
iii. An understanding
of NEPAD as a logical sequence, or at least as an inter-related
sequence of parts, so that we can see how gender issues ought to
fit into this sequence.
of this section on the Theoretical Framework unpacks each of the
above three problem areas.
The Principles and Purpose of NEPAD
The main principle
and purpose of NEPAD divide into three main categories:
to take African control over developmental priorities, rather than
to be a mere recipient of Western funding for programmes determined
by Western perceptions, judgements and priorities; therefore to
work in equal partnership with Western governments, instead of under
to set out strategies for improved governance, democracy, accountability,
and observance of human rights, (presumably partly as a means) to
attract Western partnership and donor funding;
to set out the main sectoral priorities and strategies for economic
the document constantly refers to itself as a programme, it is clear
from the actual text that it would be better referred to as a strategic
plan. It is high level, concerns the whole African continent, and
is mainly concerned with setting out and justifying the overall
principles, goals and strategies for future development partnership
between African and Western governments.
broad and high level scope does not lend itself to identifying every
possible gender issue which ought to be addressed, and every gender
oriented strategy for implementing programmes and projects. However,
neither is it true that NEPAD's high level of generality
allows the document to always refer to ‘people', when
the ‘people' are actually women and men in very different
developmental situations. Taking the three ‘purposes'
listed above, which also include important principles, we can see
that each of them brings with them an important gender dimension:.11
NEPAD PURPOSE IMPLICIT GENDER DIMENSION
take African control over developmental priorities, rather
than to be a mere recipient of Western funding for programmes
determined by Western perceptions, judgements and priorities;
therefore to work in equal partnership with Western governments,
instead of under domination; Women
need to participate equally in the identification of developmental
priorities, especially to ensure that issues of gender discrimination
and women's marginalisation are addressed in development
programmes, and that African governments' international
commitments on gender equality are included in developmental
set out strategies for improved governance, democracy, accountability,
and observance of human rights, (presumably partly as a
means) to attract Western partnership and donor funding;
Women's severe under-representation and disempowerment
all levels of decision making, which is a severe subtraction
from democracy, and limits women's means to change
systems of institutionalised and legalised gender discrimination,
which are an offence against their human rights;
set out the main sectoral priorities and strategies for
Women want to see a focus on addressing issues of gender
inequality within sectoral programmes, and the identification
of purposeful and effective strategies to address these
The above table
gives us a framework for raising the appropriate key gender questions
when reading NEPAD. However, in raising such questions we need to
have a sharp eye in recognising gender issues, focusing on the major
gender issues, and a good understanding of how gender issues need
to be linked at every stage to the strategic planning process.
Recognising a Gender Issue
It is useful
to identify a spectrum of definitions in order to categorize gender
problems according to their level of severity. Here it is suggested
that the following list is useful:
Severity of Gender Problems
Needs are here defined as those needs which affect women and
men equally, so there is no sex or gender difference. This is the
zero level for seriousness of gender problems. It is often claimed
that such matters as the need for roads, transport, or water are
general development needs. But given the severe gender differention
and division of social and economic roles in African societies,
it is doubtful whether any needs, with the possible exception of
the need for air, can properly be put in the category of a general
development need. Nonetheless, it may be said that some needs are
more general than others, where gender differentiation and discrimination
are less severe. For example, perhaps roads are more of a general
need, by comparison with land. Access to land is an area where women
have a greater need, being the majority amongst farmers and food
producers, but at the same time an area where they are severely
Special Needs are here defined as those needs that arise from
biological or sex differences. Of course these may be serious problems
in the general sense, but they are not in themselves gender problems.
Obvious examples are the need for maternity hospitals, ante-natal
care facilities, and so on. But most childcare facilities are not
in this category, because women's childcare responsibilities
arise mostly from the gender division of labour rather than biologically
given roles. (Of course gender problems may arise out of women's
special needs, for instance where male control of government budget
leads to lack of funding for maternity hospitals).
are those needs which arise because of the gender division of labour.
Therefore examples of women's gender concerns arise from
their more domestic location and their concern with child care and
food production and preparation. Typically, too, women are more
dependent on the natural environment, and with gathering of food
and medicines from natural vegetation or forests. For this reason,
too, women and men have a very different perspective on development
problems, as well as a different identification of problems that
need to be addressed.
is a more severe type of gender problem, because here the gender
concern is also overlaid with gender inequality, typically because
women have less access to facilities, opportunities and resources.
Because of this inequality in present systems of allocation, women
have a greater need. Gender equality is here defined as a gender
concern which also brings with it inequality in allocations and
Issue arises when people recognise that a particular instance
of inequality is wrong, unacceptable and unjust. This realisation
is more likely where the gender gap is large,.13 and where women
are aware of their democratic and human rights. (It needs hardly
be said that in the very patriarchal states of Africa, most gender
injustice is perpetrated against women, rather than the other way
round.) Of course, from a purely moral standpoint, it might be said
that gender inequality is always unjust, and therefore an issue.
But at the same time, it is difficult in political practice to make
an issue of gender inequality if there is not a wide perception
that this inequality is unjust.
Here we may
note that, since NEPAD is concerned with high level prioritization
and strategic planning, our primary focus should be on those critical
and pervasive gender issues which are already well known on the
African continent, and which are already a focus of attention for
the women's movement. Furthermore, the need for action on
such issues is already implicit in the various human rights conventions
and other development agreements signed by the participating African
governments which are also party to NEPAD.
that, the NEPAD document's own priority goals in the areas
of democracy, good governance and human rights should provide the
basis for highlighting and prioritising the abuses against women's
rights, which stands an obvious major obstacle to such goals.
Analysing a Gender Issue
If our priority
interest is to look at NEPAD's recognition and intentions
on prioritygender issues (rather than all problems of gender concern
and gender inequality), then it is useful to further unpack the
concept of a gender issue. It is here suggested that we may unpack
the concept of a gender issue as having five component levels, indicating
the categories for an analysis of underlying causes:
Causes of a Gender Issue
is the observable (and often measurable) gap between women and men
on some important socio-economic indicator (e.g. ownership of property,
access to land,.14 enrolment at school), which is seen to be unjust,
and therefore presents the clear empirical evidence of the existence
of a gender issue.
is the different treatment which causes a gender gap. A gender gap
is never accidental, but is caused by differential gender treatment.
In a patriarchal society, this is almost always the different treatment
given to girls and women that cuts them off from access to opportunities,
facilities and resources. Such discriminatory treatment may be part
of social custom, or may be entrenched in government administrative
rules and regulations, and even in statutory law. Even when residing
in religious practice or custom, these discriminatory practices
may well have the status of law in many countries.
Control is the system of male monopoly or domination of decision
making positions, at all levels of governance, which is used to
maintain male dominance and gender discrimination (for the continued
privilege of males).
Belief is the system of belief that serves to legitimise male
domination and gender discrimination. Typically it relies on patriarchal
interpretations of biblical/religous texts, beliefs in male biological
superiority (sexism), entailing claims that the unequal gender division
of rights and duties is either natural (biological), or God-given,
or too difficult to change (claimed to be hopelessly and irretrievably
embedded in culture!).
is the even more ugly side of male domination, relying on violence
against women to keep them in their place. Such violence may be
domestic, or institutionalised within schools, police, army, etc.
Where women's acceptance of patriarchal belief begins to
waver, physical and sexual violence is the fall-back method of control
the elements of a gender issue in this way, it becomes more apparent
how the attention to gender issues ought to be a central concern
of NEPAD, and not merely some after-the-event exercise in making
the document more ‘gender sensitive'. Men's
domination of the state decision making process (and women's
near absence from it) is a clear abrogation of the democratic process,
where each interest group is supposed to be proportionately or adequately
represented in decisions on the system of governance, legislation,
and the allocation of resources. But if women are discriminated
against even within government, there is little prospect of their
acting to end discrimination in the wider society..15
The Concept of Women's Empowerment
If NEDAD is
to take an interest in women's participation in decision
making within state governance, then clearly this involves women's
increased empowerment, which may be defined in large part as women's
increased control over public decision making. Such empowerment
is women's route to changing the practices and laws that
discriminate against them, and achieving an equitable gender division
of labour and allocation of resources.
when faced with male domination of patriarchal government, which
serves primarily male interests, and therefore has a vested interest
in the continued subordination of women, it would clearly be folly
for women to expect male leaders to suddenly ‘realise'
the value of gender equality, and to ‘give' women
an equal share of the cake. Past experience already provides plenty
of evidence that men do not ‘give' power to women,
it has to be taken. This process of taking increased power is the
process of empowerment [Longwe, 1991].
If NEPAD is
interested in women's increased occupation of political positions
(as is claimed at Para. 49), then it follows that NEPAD's
strategies should be concerned with strategies for women's
empowerment. Here we make use of Sara Longwe's Women's
Empowerment Framework, which identifies and defines the following
levels of empowerment:
here defined as the lowest level at which a development intervention
may hope to close a gender gap. By welfare we here mean an improvement
in socio-economic status, such as improved nutritional status, shelter,
or income. But we are here talking about the sort of intervention
where women are given these benefits, rather than producing or acquiring
such benefits for themselves. This is therefore a zero level of
empowerment, where women are the passive recipients of benefits
which are ‘given' from on high..16
defined as the first level of empowerment, since women improve their
own status, relative to men, by their own work and organisation
arising from increased access to resources. For example, women farmers
may improve their production and general welfare by increased access
to water, to land, to the market, and to skills training. But this
‘access level' is defined as one where women are ‘given'
increased access (perhaps by some project intervention from on high,
which is beyond their control), and not by their own action to demand
and acquire increased access.
is defined as the process by which women realise that their lack
of status and welfare, relative to men, is not due to their own
lack of ability, organisation or effort. It involves the realisation
that women's relative lack of access to resources actually
arises from the discriminatory practices and rules which give priority
access and control to men. Conscientisation is therefore concerned
with a collective urge to action to remove one or more discriminatory
practices that impede women's access to resources.
means women's collective action to analyse and identify the
discriminatory practices that stand in their way, and collective
and strategic action to remove these discriminatory practices.
is the level that is reached when women have taken action so that
there is gender equality in decisions making over access to resources,
so that women have achieve direct control over their access to resources,
and are no longer ‘given' resources merely at the
discretion of men, or by the whim of patriarchal authority.
five levels are not really a linear progression, as written above,
but rather circular: the achievement of women's increased
control, leads into better access to resources, and therefore improved
of the empowerment process ought to be central to NEPAD development
strategy if it is really interested in the goal of ‘promoting
the role of women in social and economic life by … assuring
their political participation in political and economic life'
(para. 49), and in ‘promoting the role of women in all activities'
(one of NEPAD's two Long Term Objectives, para. 67). One
of NEPAD's seven goals is concerned with making ‘progress
towards gender equality and women's empowerment' (para.
Framework for the Analysing the Internal Coherence of the Planning
categorized NEPAD as being essentially a large scale regional development
strategy, we here identify the essential elements of such as strategy.
These elements can then be used to consider the internal coherence
of the strategic plan in its treatment of the gender element or
interest within the plan.
Of course it
is often the case that development plans do not measure up very
well to the sequence of planning logic which is suggested below.
If so, this is because the planning was not adequate. Very often
a government may pursue a particular development intervention because
of political expediency, or for sectional rather than national interest,
or simply because a donor agency has money available in a particular
sector. In such cases the ‘plan' is really an after-the-event
attempt to rationalize a particular developmental intervention,
and to justify it in terms of existing policies, known priority
problems, established developmental goals, and so on. To the extent
that the plan reveals internal contradictions or lack of logical
connections, the justification for the development plan is suspect.
development plan should typically present itself as a rational argument,
pursued by logical connections along the following sequence:
of a Strategic Development Plan
of Appropriate Intervention Strategies
Strategies and Objectives
Analysis refers to the initial review of the situation in the
area that is of interest to the plan, particularly to mention the
various problem situations which might need to be addressed by the
plan. Here, with NEPAD, we find mention of quite different types
of problems: firstly to do with globalisation, and Africa's
need to get a fair share of the benefits from the process; secondly
partnership with the West, and the need to escape from the.18 prevailing
pattern of Western domination of a ‘rider and horse'
type of partnership; thirdly, the catalogue of developmental problems
of African poverty and underdevelopment.
refer to those aspect of the policy environment which are relevant
when deciding what to do about the given Situation. In terms of
formal planning logic, no Situation can be said to present a Problem
unless there are Policy Principles which dictate that aspects of
the situation are unacceptable, and therefore present a Problem
on which action must be taken to eliminate or alleviate the Problem.
However, the relevant policy environment is commonly omitted from
plans, presumably on the assumption that everybody knows what the
policy principles are, or otherwise becausee some aspects or the
situation are ‘obviously' unacceptable, and are ‘obviously'
adopted as a problem.
governments now have their own national gender policies which set
out general principles, identify problems, and set out gender oriented
goals. In addition to this, they are (mostly) the signatories to
internal conventions and agreements, notably the UN Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (which
sets out the principles for gender equality of access and opportunity
in all areas of human endeavour). All have assented to the 1995
Dakar and Beijing Platforms for Action which may be summarised as
setting out the very detailed and specific strategies to be used
by governments and civil society in operationalising the principles
of the Convention. Moreover, the international agreement on these
strategies is older than 1995, since the 1995 Platforms are no more
than a more detailed expression of the 1985 Forward Looking Strategies
for the Advancement of Women which were agreed at the Third World
Conference for Women in Nairobi.
As already mentioned, in planning logic a problem only formally
comes to light when Policy Principles are set against the Situation
Analysis. Despite this formal logic, many problems are identified
as ‘obvious', and may indeed be so. But the ‘obvious'
aspects of problem identification tend to be notably missing in
the area of gender. Whereas many ordinary problems are ‘obvious'
without recourse to looking at the policy, gender issues tend to
get overlooked, along with the gender policy itself. Gender issues
may be overlooked as being ‘political' in plans which
take a technical or purely economic perspective. They may be overlooked
where there is the vocabulary is gender neutral, in terms of ‘people',
‘farmers', ‘target group', ‘beneficiaries',
and so on, which provide an easy formula for gender blind treatment
of development issues. Most of all, gender issues are likely to
be overlooked by male planners who are definitely not interested
in recognizing or addressing issues of gender equality. With gender
issues, it may be necessary to wave the.19 gender policy in planners'
faces before the existence of gender issues can be admitted. Despite
the common lack of identification of gender issues, it is usually
very easy to give gender issues a specific and precise identification
in terms of the size of gender gaps, and the existence of discriminatory
of Goals should follow naturally from problem identification,
where a goal may be summarized as an expressed intention to address
a problem, perhaps with a statement of intended quantified outcomes,
to be achieved in a specified time. However, it is not uncommon
for the transition from Problem to Goal to show a complete disappearance
of a gender issue. Or otherwise a problem originally identified
as a problem of women's lack of empowerment gives way to
a goal which proposes intervention at the level of ‘welfare'
of Appropriate Intervention Strategies. The logic in moving
from Goal to Intervention Strategy is that the chosen intervention,
in order to be effective, must tackle one or more of the underlying
causes of the given problem. But with poor planning, the intervention
is merely considered to be a ‘good thing to do', without
any established causal connection with the original problem. Very
often implementation strategies are not made clear or explicit within
a strategic plan, but remain implicit within the statement of goals.
Where a plan's
gender orientation proceeds as far as gender oriented strategies,
it is often found that there is no clear logical, experiential or
empirical connection between the gender ssues and the proposed intervention
to address it. Very often the systemic or structural aspects of
gender discrimination are forgotten, and interventions are aimed
at increasing women's confidence, skills, literacy, and so
on, i.e. limited to increasing women's access to resources.
Strategies are the methods which are chosen to actually implement
the intervention strategy. They are therefore the lower level strategies.
For example, the goal of increasing women's representation
in parliament may be achieved by the broad intervention strategy
of affirmative action. This may be achieved by various implementation
strategies, such as reserved seats for women, or mandatory rules
for political parties on proportion of females amongst candidates,
or providing special material support for female candidates. A Strategic
Plan should normally end, at least in its substantive content, at
the level of Implementation Strategies. The remainder of planning,
from Implementation Strategies onwards, is concerned with the lower
levels of action planning, programme and project planning..20
the expression of the more specific and more detailed intention
of implementation purpose, especially in terms of activities and
intended outcomes. Very often an implementation strategy is not
properly identified or even justified, but may be deduced by its
being implicit within a list of objectives.
(leading to Project Plans) entails the identification and planning
of the specific programmes and projects which will be drawn up to
pursue the broad goals and strategies formulated in the strategic
plan. Here it may be noted that it is normally a complete waste
of time to assess the appropriate and adequacy of programmes and
projects if these have been found to be pursuing goals and intervention
strategies that are known to be inappropriate or inadequate. This
point is of particular importance in the area of gender orientation,
since it is unlikely that projects are to be found identifying and
addressing gender issues, when such intention is not to be found
in the strategic plan that guides the whole programme.
System sets out the system of organization and management for
implementation and supervision. From a gender perspective, particularly
important here is a system for ensuring that gender oriented objectives
are actually pursued, that there are methods for monitoring progress
on gender objectives, that women are represented in management,
and women amongst the target group, beneficiaries and affected community
are involved in the planning and management of implementation projects.
Method and Evaluation Criteria
The method of
this assessment is to assess the coherence of NEPAD as a strategic
plan, looking only at the coherence of its treatment of gender issues,
and action to address these issues.
In looking at
planning coherence, the assessment systematically makes use of the
eight elements of a strategic plan presented at Section 2.6, above.
These eight elements will form the basis of the main headings which
will structure the assessment. The headings used in NEPAD will be
here be arranged under these eight logical planning headings, because
the sequence of argument and use of planning terminology used in
NEPAD do not always conform to good planning logic nor conventional
In looking at
the coherence in the planning logic when treating gender issues,
the assessment distinguishes between the internal and external coherence
of the plan. Internal coherence is assessed in term of whether the
NEPAD is properly connected, within itself, in its treatment of
gender issues. External coherence is assessed in terms of whether
NEPAD is properly connected with those the goals and principles
of gender equality to which the participating governments are committed
in international agreements.
central focus on the ‘Conditions for Sustainable Development'
in terms of democracy, good governance and human rights, there is
a special focus in this assessment on whether NEPAD sufficiently
recognises the essential gender element within these ‘Conditions'.
In terms of
evaluation criteria, therefore, we may say that NEPAD's treatment
of gender issues would be adequate if it:
within its principles and goals all the relevant commitments on
gender equality to which the participating governments are already
adequate logical connections between the identification of gender
oriented goals, and appropriate and effective interventions to address
the theoretical framework set out in Section 2, the above evaluation
criteria are the basis of the assessment findings presented in the
assessment is not intended to be comprehensive or exhaustive. All
that is intended here is to focus on the main gender issues that
ought to be important to NEPAD, and to identify the main omissions
in recognizing or not intending to address these issues.
This paper has
explained the theoretical framework, method and criteria in some
detail because there is also an interest in in enabling others to
apply this method for themselves, and come to their own judgement
and conclusions, in their own areas of developmental expertise.
In this way we may move towards an integrated gender component within
all assessments of NEPAD, rather than the separate gender assessment
provided by this present paper..22
Gender Assessment Findings
ELEMENT OF PLAN
GENDER CONTENT IN NEPAD INTERNAL COHERENCE EXTERNAL COHERENCE SITUATIONAL
Here some brief socio-economic data on poverty and ‘backwardness'
makes no mention of any gender gaps or gender discrimination.
in Today's World: Between Poverty and Prosperity:
No mention of any gender issue.
improverishment of a continent; No mention of any gender issue
the global revolution No mention of any gender issue
In terms of
the internal coherence of the document, how can NEPAD be proposing
to address gender issues when none are mentioned in the Situational
this omission, we later find the gender oriented goal of proposing
to close gender gaps in school enrolments. If this is later proposed
as a developmental intervention, what part of a problem situation
is it addressing?
Need for mention
of women's marginalisation, relative lack of access education,
land, credit. (c. f.African Platform for Action, Section III)
of African culture as an important ‘resource base'
fails to acknowledge the negatives elements within culture which
subordinate women, and legitimate their continued subordination.
For women, custom and tradition is, in many ways, more of a problem
than a resource .
New Political Will of African Leaders
Here there is
a policy- level goal of ‘promoting the role of women in social
and economic development by reinforcing their
the domains of education and training; by development of revenue
generating activities through facilitating access to credit; and
by assuring their participation in the political and economic life
of African countries'.
oriented policy statement is clearly directed at gender issues which
were not mentioned in the earlier Situational Analysis. Therefore
it is difficult to assess whether this policy statement is a adequate
response to the problem situation.
to ‘assuring women's participation in political life'
is strangely disconnected from the earlier policy goal on ‘promoting
and protecting democracy'. Women's participation is
not represented as essential to democracy, but merely a one of the
means towards ‘promoting the role of women in social and
There is a failure
to properly locate women's participation as an intrinsic
part of democratic process (see African Platform, para. 103). This
serves to compartmentalize democratization goals, separate from
gender oriented goals. There is no mention of unequal power relations
or the discrimination women face in entering politics.
NEPAD policy statement interprets the problems in terms of ‘reinforcing
women's capacity', as if their lack of capacity is
the underlying problem..23
ELEMENT OF PLAN
GENDER CONTENT IN NEPAD INTERNAL COHERENCE EXTERNAL COHERENCE PROBLEM
There is no
proper identification of problems in NEPAD, either in the area of
gender or in any other area. After setting out Situational Analysis
and Policy , the document proceeds straight to Goals.
preliminary sections are supposed to serve as both Situational Analysis
and Problem Identification. If so, there is no clear identification
of problems to be addressed by NEPAD, nor prioritization of these
problems. Problems are identified only by implication, in the subsequent
is no mention of gender issues in the Situation Analysis, there
was no prospect of selecting and prioritizing those gender issues
which should be addressed, given NEPAD's priority interests
in the areas of peace, democracy, good governance and human rights.
prioritization of gender issues, there is no logical basis for the
subsequent formulation of gender oriented Goals.
Part III of
the African Platform for Action could have alerted the NEPAD authors
to the established ‘Critical Areas of Concern' for
gender equality in Africa. NEPAD areas of interest are dealt with
especially in the sections on Women's Involvement in the
Peace Process, The Political Empowerment of Women, and Women's
Legal and Human Rights. NEPAD priorities could have been selected
from this ample and comprehensive ‘shopping list'
of critical gender issues.
Development in the 21st Century:
Long- Term Objective:To
promote the role of women in all activities
Goals: To make
progress towards gender equality and empowering women by eliminating
gender disparities in the enrolment in primary and secondary education
are addressing problems which were not mentioned earlier.These two
goals fall short of the earlier policy statement, itself inadequate,
which mentioned ‘facilitating women's access to credit'
and ‘assuring women's participation in political and
Now the goal
of ‘progress towards gender equality and empowerment'
is limited by prescribing the intervention strategy of eliminating
gender disparities in school enrolments. As is discussed below,
this is a limited and possibly irrelevant intervention strategy
Outcomes' make no mention of intended targets to be achieved
on the goal of reducing gaps in school enrolment. Completely missing
from the goals is any intention to increase women's representation
in parliament, government and top decision making positions, despite
clear commitments both in the African Platform (para. 105f) and
the in the Beijing Platform (para. 182) which endorses the UN Economic
and Social Council guideline of 30% women in top decision making
ELEMENT OF PLAN
GENDER CONTENT IN NEPAD INTERNAL COHERENCE EXTERNAL COHERENCE INTERVENTION
STRATEGIES: CONDITIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
V. A Conditions
for Sustainable Development:
Peace and Security
Initiative: No gender element to the proposed intervention strategies
(para 72- 75)
Political Governance Initiative: No gender element in the proposed
intervention strategies (para 80- 84)
Corporate Governance Initiative: No gender element in the proposed
intervention strategies (para 89- 92)
No gender element
in the strategy for improved Democracy and Political Governance,
despite the earlier NEPAD policy goal of ‘assuring women's
participation in political and economic life'. There is a
strategy (para 83) for ‘promoting participatory decision
making' which does not mention any concern with, or strategy
for women's equal participation in decision making.
gender element in the Economic and Corporate Governance Initiative,
despite the earlier NEPAD policy goal which concerned with ‘promoting
the role of women in social and economic development'.
Platform for Action, at para. 190 and 192, lists nineteen alternative
strategies which can be used to increase the proportion of women
in decision making positions in politics and economic governance.
One of these suggested strategies asks governments to ‘Take
positive action to build a critical mass of women leaders, executives
and managers in strategic decision making positions. ' Another
strategy is concerned with ‘Taking measures, including …
in electoral systems, that encourage political parties to integrate
women in elective and non- elective public positions in the same
proportion and at the same levels as men'.
STRATEGIES: SECTORAL PRIORITIES
In the SECTORAL
PRIORITY areas of Infrastructure, Human Resource Development, Capital
Flows and Market Access, the interest in gender has almost entirely
disappeared. The only exceptions are:
(para 118) mentions an objective ‘to give special attention
to the reduction of poverty amongst women'. (Continued Overleaf)
on ‘special attention' to the reduction of poverty
amongst women is not clearly a gender objective, since it falls
sort of stating the intention to close the gender gap in poverty.
Also, the earlier NEPAD goal on poverty (para 68) did not state
any gender goal. Nor was there any policy statement on gender and
poverty, nor any identification a gender related poverty issue in
the Situational Analysis.
Platform for Action provides comprehensive advice on gender oriented
strategies for all of NEPAD's areas of sectoral interest.
Here are some examples of strategies which NEPAD might have taken
outreach programmes to inform low- income and poor women, particularly
in rural and remote areas, of opportunities for market and technology
access, and provide assistance in taking advantage of these opportunities'
ELEMENT OF PLAN
GENDER CONTENT IN NEPAD INTERNAL COHERENCE EXTERNAL COHERENCE INTERVENTION
STRATEGIES: SECTORAL PRIORITIES (Continued)
(para 119) mentions an objective to ‘establish a gender task
force to ensure that the specific issues faced by poor women are
addressed in poverty reduction strategies.
(para 132- 137) Despite the policy statement about ‘facilitating'
women's access to credit (para 49), there is nothing about
this in Section on Agriculture. (Although credit for women is later
mentioned under Mobilising Resources, para 158)
the section on Bridging the Education Gap (para 120) says nothing
about closing the gender gaps in school enrolment, despite the earlier
announcement of this strategy which was attached to one of the major
of a ‘gender task force' for poverty reduction is
not connected to the rest of the document. Why do all other Intervention
Strategies not have a gender task force? And where are the gender
oriented goals and strategies which the gender task force are supposed
to be implementing? Or is gender orientation seen as an aspect of
only implementation, and not problem identification, policy and
The only NEPAD
Goal which was gender oriented (para 68) provided an intervention
strategy for closing gender gaps in school environment. But when
we look under the Education strategies (para 120- 125) we find that
this intervention strategy has gone missing there are no
objectives nor activities with which to implement the strategy.
BEIJING PLATFORM: EDUCATION
all barriers to access to education for pregnant adolescents and
young mothers, and support the provision of child care and other
support services where necessary. (para 83s)
action to ensure the conditions necessary for women to exercise
their reproductive rights and eliminate coercive laws and practices'
‘Undertake legislative and administrative reforms to give
women … the right to inheritance and ownership of land and
other property, credit, resources and appropriate technologies'
STRATEGIES: MOBILISING RESOURCES
Initiative (para 157) Has an objective ‘to improve the productivity
of farmers, with particular attention to … women farmers'.
(Evaluator's Comment: The tagging on of phrases of the type
‘especially women' is an example of the lowest level
of lip- service to gender policy, and represents the most minimal
level of gender orientation.) For overall coherence, an objective
on improving the productivity of women farmers should have appeared
in the Agriculture section, and under Intervention Strategies.
This wrong placement
may arise from a larger failure to properly distinguish between
access to resources for NEPAD interventions, and the intended increased
access to resources arising from NEPAD interventions.
There are some
strategies here which are gender blind, even though they scream
out for a gender component. For example, the strategy ‘to
increase the security of water supply for agriculture' (para
157) should have taken notice that women need the water most, as
the main agricultural producers. Here it would have been useful
to refer to the Beijing suggestions on the involvement of women
in environmental decisions at all levels (Beijing Platform, para
ELEMENT OF PLAN
GENDER CONTENT IN NEPAD INTERNAL COHERENCE EXTERNAL COHERENCE IMPLEMENTATION
STRATEGIES: NEW GLOBAL PARTNERSHIP
From this point
on in NEPAD, the gender content completely disappears, notwithstanding
the continuing implications of the fairly strong gender policy goal
at Para. 49, and the gender issues which are implicit within all
of the problems to be addressed. The interest in gender has now
disappeared, finally completing the pattern of ‘fade away',
until the interest in gender has reached a complete zero.
In this area
of new global partnership, NEPAD is mostly concerned with establishing
an equal partnership with the West, and African direction and control
of development programmes. But this line of thinking has not extended
into any adequate identification of the comparative advantages of
each side, and how they can be strategically combined for well focused,
effective and rapid developmental outcomes. (For instance on how
the Western advantage in technology and the African advantage of
natural resources can combine to produce African development, and
not merely increased Western economic development.)
of comparative advantage may be particularly fruitful in the area
of increasing gender equality and women's empowerment, where
the women's movement in the West has experienced considerable
success, for instance in pushing governments in the direction of
abolishing discriminatory legislation, and instead introducing equal
opportunity legislation. However, the long list of roles for ‘development
countries and multilateral institutions' (para 188) is purely
technical and economic, and is notably lacking in any Western role
for assistance in the area of democratization, good governance,
human rights and gender equality.
If we compare
Western countries versus Africa interest in their capacity in the
area of gender and development, the pattern is that it is Western
governments and international development agencies which have been
pushing for gender oriented development, whereas African governments
in the main have been resisting. NEPAD's inadequate
interest in gender issues may also be taken as symptomatic of African's
governments' reluctance to take action on gender issues.
If so, this could form a major aspect of incoherence in future global
partnerships, being evidence of serious lack of political will in
the area of democracy and good governance, and a therefore a serious
obstacle to attracting Western funding..27
ELEMENT OF PLAN
GENDER CONTENT IN NEPAD INTERNAL COHERENCE EXTERNAL COHERENCE PROJECT
here is based on the brief summary and examples at para. 189- 200
of NEPAD, and not on the further detailed list of projects at www.
mapstrategy. com .
Here the summary
of projects makes absolutely no mention of gender issues, or even
women's issues, or even any differentiation between women
and men. There is an identification of programmes to be ‘fast-
tracked' (para 190):
Diseases (AIDS, Malaria, TB)
and Communication Technology
Apart from the
intention to improve access to credit by women farmers (para 158),
there is nothing to indicate any intention to address gender issues
in the above listed programme areas. The programme areas listed
for ‘fast track' actually cast doubt on the meaning
and validity of the little gender interest seen earlier in the NEPAD
The area of
gender equality in schooling, a main NEPAD goal, is not included
in the priority ‘fast- track' area. None of the ‘Conditions
for Development' areas of improved democracy and good governance
are included in the ‘fast- track' areas. But it is
particularly in these areas that women might hope for action on
legalized and institutionalized forms of gender discrimination.
It is clear
that NEPAD goes to some length to explain that African governments
have the ‘political will' to move towards more democratic
and accountable forms of government. It is this promise which forms
the basis for NEPAD's claim for African planning and management
of development programmes, and for Western governments to assist.
This claim is
generally undermined by the omission of any good governance programmes
from the priority projects. It is particularly undermined by the
virtual disappearance of any interest in gender equality and women's
It is clear
from what is said under the NEPAD section on management (para 201-
203), as well as from various other statements in the document,
that NEPAD is to be both planned and managed by African heads of
state. In other words, planning and management is in the hands of
the heads of governments which are all very patriarchal, and where
the heads of government are all male. The lack of gender content
in NEPAD is itself clear testimony to their near complete ignorance
of the importance of gender issues in development, and their international
commitments in this regard.
It is not clear
what basis there is for the claim that NEPAD is ‘owned by
the African peoples' (para 51). This claim is not consistent
with the actual text. The voice of African women is certainly not
reflected in NEPAD. African women's demand for action on
gender issues, both structural and material, is well set out in
the African and Beijing Platforms for Action, to which African governments
main overall purpose of NEPAD is to put African development planning
into African hands. But if this puts development planning into the
hands of a male monopoly of patriarchs who refuse to take action
on gender issues, then African women might actually be better off
with present Western control of African development. At least Western
governments are known to have stronger policies and commitment on
democracy and gender equality..28
An Overview of the Findings
The Overall Pattern of the Findings
The above findings
on the gender assessment are quite hard to come by, because they
involve the rather difficult process of looking for what is not
there. For despite the many critical and pervasive gender issues
which haunt Africa, and the international commitments to address
these issue, NEPAD is severely and almost completely gender blind.
Whereas assessment of a development plan should more usually entail
criticizing the inappropriateness or inadequacy or ineffectiveness
of what is in the plan, in this case we are almost entirely looking
for what is missing.
can see that NEPAD is severely inadequate in both recognizing gender
issues, and in expressing any intention to address gender issues
or promote the process of women's empowerment. Despite a
declared interest in a major policy goal of ‘promoting and
protecting democracy and human rights' and in ‘developing
clear standards of … participatory government' (para
49), NEPAD has failed to properly recognise the imperatives for
gender equality and empowerment that must intrinsically lie within
main policy goal of ‘assuring [women's] participation
in the political and economic life of African countries'
(para 49) is put separately from the policy goal on democracy and
human rights, and is presented as a means towards ‘promoting
the role of women in social and economic development'. Thus
goals of gender equality are kept separate from the area of democracy
and governance, and instead located it in the area of social and
economic development. It might be thought that this apparent separation
at the policy level might be a mere conceptual lapse, or not intended,
or that too much should not be being read into this separation.
But the whole NEPAD document is faithful to this separation. The
subsequent text reveals absolutely no gender component in the areas
of Democracy and Political Governance or Economic and Corporate
Governance. Despite the hopeful policy goal that mentions ‘assuring
[women's] participation in … political and economic
life', there is no follow-through to the actual programme
goals and activities by which such a policy goal might be achieved.
On the contrary, the little attention.29 given to gender oriented
objectives is in the area of gender equality in access to schooling
and access to credit. But it is precisely in the areas democracy,
governance and human rights where action needs to be taken to end
the legalized and bureaucratized system of structural gender equality,
so that women may achieve equality of opportunity according the
governments' commitments under the UN Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women.
the rather weak and compartmentalized policy goal of assuring women's
participation in political and economic life could have led into
some meaningful gender orientation of the strategic plan. The failure
to actually pursue this policy goal reveals another part of the
overall pattern, already mentioned in Section 4 of this assessment,
that NEPAD reveals a fade-away on gender issues. The original policy
intention is watered down when its implications reach a programme
goal, and the intention has disappeared entirely by the time we
reach project objectives. [A discussion of the pervasive tendency
to of gender policies to ‘fade-away' may be found
in Longwe, 1995]
Very often the
authors of planning documents are sufficiently aware of gender vocabulary
and concepts, and the need to impress the donors on gender orientation.
Therefore they are able to employ elaborate lip-service to persuade
gullible readers that they have intentions to address gender issues,
and to hide their reluctance in this area. But in this is not the
case with NEPAD, whose authors would seem to be genuinely, deeply
and comprehensively ignorant of all matters relating to gender and
An Interpretation of the Patriarchal Paradigm
authors of NEPAD are severely gender blind. We may explain this
blindness as being of a particular and well defined form, which
we may term as paradigmic patriarchal blindness. It is evident that
the authors do no see any form of gender discrimination. Their whole
interpretation of gender issues, such as it is, seems to have no
societal or structural dimension. They do not seem to live in the
same world of legalized, traditional and institutionalised gender
discrimination, which is actually the world inhabited by women in
Africa. In all of NEPAD's preliminary description of the
problem situations to be addressed by NEPAD, there is no mention
of any gender issue. Even where the document presents a weakly gender
oriented goal, we find that this objective is directed at a problem
which has not been previously mentioned..30
It is this patriarchal
paradigm which can nicely explain the absence of any mention of
gender issues in the discussion of democracy and human rights. Of
course it could be that the authors deliberately removed the connection
between gender and democracy, or deliberately avoided it. But more
likely they simply could not see the connection. The clue to this
interpretation may be found in the same policy goal referred to
above, which is concerned with ‘promoting the role of women
…by reinforcing their capacity …' (emphasis
added). Both of the underlined phrases are instructive of the mind
set of the authors. ‘Promoting the role of women'
is a well worn phrase which insultingly suggests that women are
not sufficiently ‘playing their part' in the development
process! Women need to be ‘integrated in development'!
however, is the phrase ‘reinforcing their capacity'.
Here is the main clue to the patriarchal paradigmic mind-set. Women's
lesser role and subordinate position arise from their lesser capacity!
Therefore they need more education and training! It is no accident
that the only significant gender oriented objective in all of NEPAD
is concerned with gender equality in access to schooling. Not a
word about the unequal gender division of labour, or that women
are already doing most of the developmental work, or that women
come up against barriers of gender discrimination which give the
lion's share of the rewards to men, and the lion's
share of unpaid work to women! How is more schooling going to alter
that? Where schools teach female submission, it will make things
worse! [A discussion of whether schools can contribute to the process
of women's empowerment may be found in Longwe, 1997.]
NEPAD is a statement
written by male heads of governments who are, in varying degrees,
staunchly patriarchal. In their home countries these governments
tend to represent male interests, and defend the patriarchal status
quo. Should we then be surprised if NEPAD has little recognition
of gender issues, and even smaller intention to address them? More
important, what are the strategies if indeed they can be
found - by which these representatives of patriarchy may be persuaded
to adopt feminist policies? This present assessment serves to draw
attention to the large gap between the situation of institutionalised
gender injustice in Africa, and governments' intention to
do anything much about it. This lack of intention stands in stark
contradiction to their own declared interest in democracy and human
Recommendations for the Overall Gender Orientation of NEPAD
It follows from
the above analysis that NEPAD needs complete revision if it is to
recognise and address the gender issues that are intrinsic within
all African development problems. This revision should have the
of proper planning logic in the treatment of gender issues, which
are properly followed throughout the document from their initial
identification in the situation analysis, through to policy statement,
problem identification, programme goals, objectives and activities.
ii. Within the
programme on ‘Conditions for Sustainable Development',
incorporation of a primary focus on ending all forms of legalized
gender discrimination within statutory law, customary law and administrative
practice, as an essential component in the programme for improved
democracy, good governance and human rights.
of gender issues within the sectoral priorities, to recognise and
address all the important gender issues that are intrinsic within
the areas of endeavour currently suggested, in order to provide
gender equality of opportunity in access to all resources and facilities.
Given the difficulty
of a consultation process to establish a widespread African women's
consensus on the priority gender issues to be addressed within NEPAD,
it is suggested that the 1995 Dakar and Beijing Platforms for Action
should be used as the basis for identifying the gender issues which
need to be addressed, and the appropriate strategies for doing so.
These documents are fairly recent, the same gender issues are still
with us, and the documents are themselves the result of a lengthy
and comprehensive consultation process amongst African women from
all walks of life. The Dakar document is the best source of information
on African women's identification of the range of gender
issues that they would like to see addressed,.32 whereas the Beijing
document provides the more comprehensive ‘shopping list'
of alternative strategies for addressing any particular gender issues.
It is further
recommended that NEPAD should set up a small Advisory Committee
of women experienced in both gender issues and development planning,
to advise on the re-writing of NEPAD to achieve a gender orientation
that is commensurate with the international commitments of the participating
NEPAD is deeply
and comprehensively gender blind. It fails almost completely to
recognise or address the major issues of gender inequality and discrimination,
and the oppression of women that lie hidden and unacknowledged within
NEPAD goals and objectives, and which must be revealed and addressed
if the participating governments are to meet is commitments under
various international agreements and conventions.
There is also
some internal inconstancy within NEPAD's treatment of gender
issues, in that the limited intention to address particular gender
issues at the policy level is not sufficiently followed through
into programme goals and objectives, or into project activities.
The little interest in gender gets lost in between policy statement
and intended actions.
is recommended that a Gender Advisory Committee be formed to assist
NEPAD planners in writing a gender oriented document. This should
reflect intentions on gender equality and women's empowerment,
with proper planning logic and coherence. Policy statements on gender
should reflect international commitments. Gender issues recognised
in the situation analysis should be the followed through into problem
identification and prioritization, giving way to the identification
of clear goals, objectives and project activities designed to appropriately
and effectively address these issues.
is particularly important in the area of NEPAD interventions concerned
with improved democracy, governance and human rights. Action in
this area is desperately needed to address the many grave issues
of structural gender discrimination that are serious and pervasive
Leadership Forum), 2002, Preliminary Report of the Regional Conference
on African Women and NEPAD, 3-5 February 2002, ALF and UNESCO, Ota
(Nigeria) and Paris.
1991, Gender Awareness, The Missing Element in the Third World Developmen
Project, in Tina Wallace and Candida March (Eds), Changing Perceptions:
Writings on Gender and Development, Oxfam, Oxford.
1991, The Evaporation of Policies for Women's Advancement
in Noeleen Heyzer et al, (Eds), A Commitment to the Worlds Women,
UNIFEM, New York.
1997, Education for Women's Empowerment or Schooling for
Women's Subordination? In Carolyn Medel-Anonuevu (Ed), Negotiation
and Creating Spaces of Power, UNESCO Institute for Education, Hamburg.
Centre, 2002, Review of the NEPAD Document, January 2002, MATCH,
Ottowa; also http://www.web.ca/~matchint.
for African Unity), 2001, The New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD), OAU, Addis Ababa.
1995, Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, UN, New York.
for Africa (ECA), 1995, African Platform for Action, ECA, Addis
More on NEPAD:
Brief Independent Analyses against & for NEPAD
Nepad and Globalisation: Some Initial Thoughts
Alternative Information & Development Centre (AIDC) South Africa
Smokescreen or Essential Strategy? Chris Landsberg, Co-Director:
Centre for Africa’s International Relations, University of the Witwatersrand
Fiction or Fantasy? Peter Vale, Senior Professor at the School
of Government and Professor of Social Theory, University of the
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